Babies Infants Knowledge

Babies Infants Knowledge Claims about infant number competence contrast with claims of toddler ignorance. Consider explanations of the discrepancy. 1- Introduction: This essay will explore the researches which claim that babies are born with a predisposition to learn about objects and numerosities. It also aims to understand the issues that why some psychologists are still unconvinced about inborn knowledge. And if babies are so smart, why are preschoolers so ignorant? The question is to what extent is the sense of numbers innate and to what extent is it learned? Piaget used observational and informal experiments to study infants. He denied the existence of innate knowledge. Early Piaget experiments (1942) described that infants are born with no understanding of numerosity. He argued that the number concept is built from previously existing sensorimotor intelligence. In contrast, recent researchers argue that sensitivity to number is innate and even young infants possess strikingly mature reasoning abilities in the numerical domain. Vygotsky (1978) pointed out â€Å" childrens learning begins long before they enter school they have had to deal with operations of division, addition, subtraction, and the determination of size. Consequently, children have their own preschool arithmetic, which only myopic psychologists could ignore† (p. 84). Similarly, recent experiments have shown that infants between 4 to 7 months are able to discriminate two items from three items, but not 4 items from 6 items (Starkey et al 1983). In 1992, Karen Wynn argued that â€Å"human infants can discriminate between different small numbers of items† (p.749). Wynn used differences in looking times as evidence of knowledge. Similar logic in Baillargeon’s (2004) studies of infants is reported. In contrast to claims about infant capabilities and predispositions, recent studies of toddlers (preschoolers) suggest slow development and gradual understanding of numerical skill. Now we will discuss the researches which claim about infants’ knowledge of number competence contrast with claims of toddler ignorance. 2- Studies which claim about human infants’ knowledge of number competence: 2.1- Wynn’s approach: In 1992, Karen Wynn, came up with the idea of using a technique called Preferential Looking Time (PLT) to study the mathematical abilities in babies. Wynn took advantage of the fact that infants will gape, eyes wide with surprise, at things they dont expect to see, to show that babies as young as five to ten months old can add and subtract small numbers. In her experiment Wynn (1992) shows the baby a Mickey Mouse doll and then places it behind a screen. As the baby continues to watch, the researcher places a second Mickey behind the same screen. In half the trials, she then uses a hidden trapdoor to remove one of the dolls. Then screen drops and Wynn found that babies stared much longer when only one Mickey doll is there. They had apparently expected to see two. But were the babies really calculating one plus one equals two? Or did they simply realise that one plus one had to equal something more than one? To answer that question, Wynn tried the babies on one plus one equals three. The babies were appropriately surprised when three dolls appeared from behind the screen rather than two. According to Wynn (1992), â€Å"infants possess true numerical concepts- they have access to the ordering of and numerical relationships between small numbers and can manipulate these concepts in numerically meaningful way† (p750). Wynn argued that looking for longer time at the wrong results of 1+1 and 2-1 is evidence that infants have innate number knowledge. There are many questions which need explanations e.g. were infants surprised or familiar? Were they responding to differences in quantity or numerosity? Can infants really add and subtract? etc. Leslie B. Cohen and Kathryn S. Marks in ‘How infants process addition and subtraction events’ mentioned†¦. â€Å"Wynn has argued that infants are not only sensitive to number; they are able to manipulate small numerosities. She pointed out three major claims about infants’ abilities: Infants understand the numerical value of small collections of objects. Infants’ knowledge is general and can be applied to varying items and different modalities (for example, Starkey, Spelke, Gelman, 1990). Infants are able to reason at the ordinal level and compute the result of simple arithmetic problems (i.e., add and subtract)† (P.5-6). Wynn (1990) argued that children learn the meanings of smaller number words before larger ones within their counting range, up to the number three or four and by the age of 3  ½ years they can learn cardinal principle. But in everyday life we are failed to provide the evidence regarding the competence in early years of life. There is no doubt that many studies reported that children have an innate understanding of the basic counting but many other studies which do not support these findings. 2.2- Starkey, Spelke, Gelman approach: In 1990, Starkey, Spelke, Gelman found that infants between ages 4 and 7 ½ months can differentiate two items from three, but not 4 items from 6. In this study, 7 month old infants were presented with two photographs of two or three items accompanied with two or three drumbeats. Starkey et al.’s criterion was same as Wynn’s (difference in looking time).The infants looked significantly longer at the photos with the number of items matching the number of drumbeats. This study did not tell us that infants perceived that 2 is more than 1 or 3 is more than 2. The ability to understand even small numerosity from the early months of life seems to suggest that there is an innate mechanism for number which forms the basis for further development of numerical skills and abilities. Starky et al. (1990) interpreted these results as evidence that infants can recognize the number distinctions both in audio and visual display. This research is also controversial. There are contrasting claims which abandon ideas of competence. According to Mix, Huttenlocher, and Levine (1996), â€Å"it has been claimed that acquisition of the conventional number system is guided by preverbal numerical competencies available in infancy (Gallistel Gelman, 1992; Gelman, 1991).Thus, if infants have an abstract number concept, this should be evident in early childhood† (p.1593). Mix, Huttenlocher, and Levine (1996), using a procedure adapted for preschoolers, found that three-year-olds were unable to correctly match auditory to visual numerosity. 3- Studies which deny the claim of human infants’ knowledge of number competence: 3.1- Mix, Huttenlocher, and Levine approach: Mix, Huttenlocher and Levine (1996) tested infants, toddlers and preschool children from a variety of backgrounds to see at what age they began to recognize the connection between repeated sounds and similar numbers of objects before them and when infants and children begin grasping the basic concepts of mathematics. They conducted three experiments to find out whether preschool children could do significantly well on similar tasks as used by Starkey et al.’s (1990) infants studies. They found that infants were unable to make the audio-visual matches but could make visual-visual matches. Similarly, three year olds were able to make visual matches between groups of objects and sets that corresponded in number, but only made the same number of audio-visual matches they would have made had they been guessing. According to Mix, Huttenlocher and Levine (1996) In contrast, 4-year-olds performed significantly above chance in both conditions, indicating that the ability to detect audio-visual numerical correspondences develops during this age period(p.1600). They argued that if Starkey et al.’s (1990) claims about infants are true then preschoolers should show a similar competence. By their studies, Mix, Huttenlocher and Levine (1996) found no evidence that 3 year olds can detect audio-visual numerical correspondences. The developmental period between 3 to 4 years was found to be a crucial for mathematics, as preschoolers quickly expand their ability to understand the abstract relationship between numbers and sets as dissimilar as objects and events. They also tested toddlers ability to perform nonverbal calculation and found that the ability develops between ages 2  ½ and 3. Some studies have suggested that abstract numerical knowledge develops in infancy, but Levine and Huttenlocher found that babies only have an approximate understanding of numbers and at age of 3 years children can represent number exactly. Mix, Huttenlocher and Levine (1996) claim that: The discrepancy is due to the contrast criteria between infant study and preschool study. For infant study criteria was looking for longer time and in preschool study an active choice response was needed, which was much more demanding criteria. The ability to match and calculate correctly, nonverbally, is neither innate nor independent of general ability. Mix (1999) studied preschool children to see whether they ‘recognise numerical equivalence between sets that vary in similarity’. She pointed out that if claims about number competence in infancy are true then children should be able to judge numerical equivalence for other types of similarity. She emphasized that none of the tasks in infants’ studies â€Å"requires the explicit numerical comparison of one set to another† (p.272). According to Mix (1999) â€Å"a prevalent claim is that numerical abstraction emerges very early, perhaps as part of an innate knowledge structure that is specific to the number domain (Gallistel Gelman, 1992).This implies that development of numerical competence should have some advantages or at least follow a distinct path compared to other domains† (p.290). But she did not find any evidence. She proposed that discrepancy between infants and toddlers knowledge of number competence is because of different levels of understanding. She clarified that preschool matching task was different as compared to infant looking time task and these both task measures different type of numerical knowledge. (p.291) In 2002 Mix, Huttenlocher and Levine critically reviewed â€Å"the idea that quantitative development is guided by an inborn ability to represent discrete number† (p.278). They tested the quantitative competencies of infants and young children mentioned in their article. They arise many questions which are very important and need clarification: ‘What non-numerical cues do infants use? How does a number-based representation develop from such origins? How do children differentiate and ultimately integrate discrete and continuous quantification?’ 3.2- Clearfield and Westfahl approach: Clearfield and Westfahl (2006) conducted three experiments on 3 to 5 months infants to see how familiarization affects their looking time during addition problems. They replicated Wynn’s (1992) procedure in first experiment and found that infants looked longer at incorrect outcome same as in Wynn’s findings. They strongly argued on the basis of their results that â€Å"infants responded to the stimuli based on familiarity rather than the mathematical possibility† (p.40) (number competence) of the event in Wynn’s original finding and in Experiment 1. They also pointed out that there was no statistical difference in infants’ looking towards 1+1=2 and 1+1=3 (in Wynn’s finding). They asked for future research to confirm this. (p.40) In their article, Clearfield and Westfahl (2006) mentioned that Cohen and Marks (2002) challenged Wynn’s (1992) finding about infants’ number competence. Clearfield and Westfahl (2006) also told about Wynn’s (2002) response to it i.e. she rejected their challenge by saying that they did not replicate her study exactly. 4- Discussion: Evidence show that infants have inborn number competence and even they can manipulate simple arithmetic (Wynn, 1992). There is a considerable debate is going on young children’s ability about numerosity especially with regard to addition and subtraction. The problem is word number learning which they learn at later years. By the age of 2 years, children can count up to three or more (Gelman Gallistel, 1978). Wynn’s (1992) finding is challenged by Cohen and Marks (2002) as cited by Clearfield and Westfahl (2006). But Wynn’s (2002) rejected this challenge and still strict with her claims about infants’ inborn number competence. Clearfield and Westfahl (2006) interpreted that infants do not have counting ability but their performance on infants’ studies was based on familiarization. They insisted that researcher must work on the issues of familiarization and other basic perceptual processes rather than more controversial concept of number competence in infants. Learning the number system is one of the most difficult tasks for a young child. It is a slow process which takes many years to complete. Researchers have explored questions about the roots of numerical knowledge using looking time techniques with infants. It is still unclear to what extent is the sense of numbers innate and to what extent is it learned and how early the child acquires a meaningful counting procedure? Results of early counting studies appear unstable with each other. Some studies focus on conceptual competence (early counting) and some suggest that understanding the purpose of counting take place in later years. Young children often confuse to answer how many are there? It requires children to tell the last word when counting a set. They usually start counting the objects (Wynn, 1990). Counting out a number of objects from a large set is much complex than counting the number sequence. This all need a practice and clear understanding which develops later on. There is evidence â€Å"that five year old children take large number words to apply to specific, unique cardinal values† (Lipton Spelke, 2005, p.9). They argued that infants are born with innate knowledge of number from which they learn an understanding of number words and verbal counting. It is still unclear that if infants look so smart then why toddlers look so ignorant. Some researchers criticized the infants’ studies that they were not manipulating numbers when confronted with small quantities but may be they looking for total surface area of objects, not for number. We really do not know what was in infants’ mind. But criteria in Mix et al.’s study (1996) required children to point out the picture matching in numerosity, was much more demanding. And other studies involving counting ‘how many objects there are?’ require more understanding and more skill. To conclude all the interpretations about infants and preschoolers, it seems that criteria for judging preschoolers knowledge of number was too demanding. It is clear that at least some of number knowledge is innate. But the question still remains as to how much of it is innate, and how much is learned. In 2004, Zur Gelman argued that 4- and 5-year olds can easily be taught the basics of addition and subtraction. They concluded that even 3- year old children can do addition and subtraction by predicting and checking under supportive environment. Zur Gelman (2004) study is instructive because their emphasis is on practice and how teachers use different strategies. 5- References: Baillargeon, R. (2004). Infants’ reasoning about hidden objects: evidence for event-general and event-specific expectations. Developmental Science, 7, 391-424. Clearfield, M. W., Westfahl, S. M. C. (2006). Familiarization in infants’ perception of addition problems. Journal of Cognition and Development, 7, 27-43. Cohen, B. L. Marks, S.K. (n.d).How infants process addition and subtraction events. Retrieved on January 04, 2008 from http://homepage.psy.utexas.edu/homepage/Group/CohenLab/pubs/Cohen_and_Marks final.pdf/ Cordes, S. Gelman, R. (2005). The Young Numerical Mind: When Does It Count? The Handbook of Mathematical Cognition. Psychology Press; London. 127–142. Retrieved on January 04, 2008 from http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/~chenml/411/CordesandGelman.pdf Gelman, R., Gallistel, C. R. (1978). The child’s understanding of number. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lipton, J. S., Spelke, E. S. (2005). Preschool children master the logic of number word meanings. Cognition,xx,1–10. Retrieved on January 14, 2008.from http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/~lds/pdfs/lipton2005b.pdf Mix, K. S. (1999). Similarity and numerical equivalence: Appearances count. Cognitive development, 14, 269-297. Mix, K. S., Huttenlocher, J., Levine, S. C. (1996). Do preschool children recognize auditory-visual correspondences? Child Development, 67, 1592-1608. Mix, K., Huttenlocher, J., Levine, S. (2002). Multiple cues for quantification in infancy: Is number one of them? Psychological Bulletin, 128(2), 278-294. Starkey, P., Spelke, E., Gelman, R. (1990). Numerical abstraction by human infants. Cognition, 36, 97-127. Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wynn, K. (1990). Children’s understanding of counting. Cognition, 36, 155-193. Wynn, K. (1992). Addition and subtraction by human infants. Nature, 358, 749-750. Zur, O., Gelman, R. (2004). Young children can add and subtract by predicting and checking. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 19(1), 121-137.

The History and Effects of Slavery on the South Essay -- History, War

You would think that a society which takes up an institution as immoral and barbaric as slavery would benefit from it on the whole, but that is not the case with the American South. The only people who benefited from slavery were the top 3% of Southern society. For the rest of the people the institution of slavery would prevent them from gaining an education, proper literacy, wealth, and movement up the social ladder. If viewed as an independent nation the South was a socially stagnant aristocracy, extremely dependant on foreign trade , had fairly weak industry, and finally had a small population compared to the North. Perhaps the greatest tragedy was that all those confederate soldiers died for a cause that kept them poor. This is not all though, slavery itself was horrible, and even after slaves were given their legal freedom they were still slaves in nearly every aspect save for the title. Literacy in the South was very poor compared to the North. The only Northern States that were surpassed by the South in terms of reading and writing were the states of Illinois and Indiana, and this was mainly due to an influx of illiterate foreigners, and immigrants from the slave states. The worst literacy rate in the South was in North Carolina, the ratio was 1 illiterate for every 7 white persons which is roughly a 14% illiteracy rate. In contrast the worst state in the North for literacy was Illinois at a 1:17 ratio or 6% illiteracy rate. These figures also take into account children so if you only count adults illiteracy increases particularly in the South..Finally if you look at the whole chart the slave states have the worst literacy rates in general.( Helper, 407) There are vast differences in education between the North... ..., and Lizabeth Cohen. The American Pageant. 11th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998. Print. "Black Codes (United States)." Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 30 Jan. 2012. . Helper, Hinton Rowan. The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It. 1857. The Project Gutenberg. Web. 29 Jan. 2012. h.htm>. Hofstadter, Richard. The American Political Tradition And The Men Who Made It. New York: Knopf, 1973. Print. Zinn, Howard. A People's History of the United States: 1492-present. New York: HarperCollins, 2005. Print. Fuller, John. "How the Civil Rights Movement Worked" 06 May 2008. HowStuffWorks.com. 30 January 2012.

Leaders vs Managers Essay

According to many scholars, management is a basically the implementation of already established processes such as planning, staffing, measuring performance and budgeting thereby enabling an organization to do well. On the other hand, leadership is entirely different. It can be described as taking an organization to the future, exploring and successfully exploiting opportunities that come up. Leadership is about having vision, empowerment and most importantly providing useful change in the organization. The main differences between leaders and managers are: the relationship between the followers and managers and leaders, how leaders and managers solve problems, and the difference in emotional intelligence between leaders and managers. Leaders and managers have a difference in emotional intelligence. A leader is an individual who strategizes a visionary and most importantly someone who inspires other people to greatness. In order to achieve this, while leading one must share their vision with the staff or people brought together to solve a problem or create a strategy. Leaders serve as role models, motivate their staff, inspire cooperation and create a community both inside and outside of the organization. They mostly follow their intuition which in most cases benefits the company and in most cases they gain followers who become loyal to them and the organization. This is a direct contradiction to managers who carry out their instructions by the book and follow the organization’s policy to the letter and as a result the staff may or may not be loyal to them. Even when the idea of a divinely appointed leader prevailed, there existed a contrary view that the leader was actually empowered by followers, this theory was analyzed by Thomas Paine â€Å"Titles are but nicknames†¦it is common opinion only that makes them anything or nothing . . . . [A]body of men, holding themselves accountable to nobody, ought not to be trusted by anybody† (1944, pp. 59-60, 63). Another major difference between leaders and managers is how their duties and relationship with their followers differ. A leader creates or rather innovates whilst the manager administers , meaning that the leader is the individual who comes up with fresh ideas in order to move the bulk of the organization into a new direction that is more beneficial and profitable. He has to come up with new strategies and tactics by keeping his focus on the horizon constantly. It is important for him to be updated on the latest trends as well as studies and the skill sets. Contrary to this, a manager simply maintains a system that has already been established and is in use. It is his duty to maintain control and ensure that things run normally and everyone in the staff is pulling their weight and contributing fully and effectively. One of the distinguishing characteristics of a typical manager is how dependent he is on the activities of a variety of other people to perform his job effectively. (Kotter, 1983, p. 360). He is rigid and unable to be creative in carrying out his duties, thereby barring him from being considered a business leader. According to Richard Rosenberg, (1992) one of the most profound examples of the difference between leaders and managers is how computers create significant changes in any organization. He illustrates how information is able to travel from top to bottom effectively without the intervention of managers somewhere in between. This shows how the difference between leaders and managers which is that managers are easily replaceable and in some cases they are not required at all to some extent. Leaders inspire greatness and effectiveness unlike managers who more or less rely on control. In other words, leadership is not what one does but actually how they respond to you. If people do not choose to join your cause then you cannot really be considered as a leader since they have inspired no one. If people do indeed join your cause then it would mean that you have inspired them, thereby creating a bond with them and the company, which is very important particularly if the organization or business is changing rapidly and needs people who believe in it to support its mission. Leaders and managers handle and prepare for problems in a different ways. Managers prepare themselves for turbulent times and during these times the primary task is to make sure that the organization’s capacity to survive and to ensure that the it maintains its structural strength as well as is capacity to survive failure and adapt as quickly as possible in the shortest time period (Peter D., 1980). Business leaders instill a staff loyalty that a manager cannot be able to because of his rigid methods and lack of spontaneity. In the case of managers, their primary job is to control their staff by aiding them to develop their assets and discover their greatest talents. In order to do this they have to know the people working for them and understand their abilities and interests. G. Lumsden (1982) describes how middle managers model themselves on top managers in a form of hierarchical mimicry: what happens is that the behavior inheritance persists. As it is passed down deeper in the organization, sans power, such behavior begins not to work so well. And at lower levels it gets muddied even further because it’s being used on individuals who don’t understand it, aren’t impressed by it, or are downright opposed to it. (p. 8) A leader focuses on the reasons why to make certain decision whereas a manager considers how and at what times decisions are made. Managers prefer to execute plans accordingly and maintain the status quo without deviating even when failures are experienced. If the company experienced failures, then a leader would learn from it and use it as a clarification point in order to get better and avoid losses in future. Levine and M. Crom (1993) in their book â€Å"The leader in you† highlight an example of leadership changes and state that â€Å"Good human relation skills have the ability to transform people from managing others to leading them. People can learn how to move from directing to guiding, from competing to collaborating and from operating under secrecy to one of sharing all of the information required, from a mode of passivity to a mode of risk taking, from one of regarding people as an expense to one of viewing people as an asset,† (P.15) In conclusion, management and leadership are not necessarily mutually exclusive. They are however different in that leadership entails inspiration as well as steering an organization whereas management is simply overseeing and delegating.

The Odyssey Positive And Negative Roles - 2124 Words

Throughout the Odyssey women play a substantial role in the epic poem; in the story women play both positive and negative roles, sometimes a little of both, some the women in the book also play a role of seductresses. Since the epic poem is mainly about Odysseus’s ten year journey home to Ithaca and his wife and the obstacles he encounters and has to overcome on the way many of those involving women, women that are positive in the Odyssey are Penelope, Athena, Nausicaa and Helen who help Odysseus during his journey, and Telemachus in finding Odysseus; some of the women who are negative in the Odyssey are the Sirens, Melantho and Clytemnestra, then some that are both positive and negative are Kalypso and Circe, the seductresses throughout the Odyssey are Circe and the Sirens . Whether women play a seductive, positive or a negative role or both in the Odyssey, they contribute to the plot considerably. The women who portrayed a positive role throughout the Odyssey are Penelope, A thena, Nausicaa and Helen . Penelope played a positive role throughout, by playing a con on the suitors which was â€Å"let me finish my weaving before I marry, or else my thread will have been spun in vain† (288). The con is that she appears to the suitors who are trying to marry her that she’s giving up hope that her husband Odysseus will ever come back by saying that she’ll marry someone when she’s done weaving, leading the suitors to think that she’ll be finished with it in no time; but she secretlyShow MoreRelated Women of the Odyssey Essays1488 Words   |  6 PagesWomen of the Odyssey   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Many people regard Homer’s epics as war stories—stories about men; those people often overlook the important roles that women play in the Odyssey. 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